Chapter 660 George's First Telegram
In the winter just past, Amur carried out a second mobilization, this time 100,000.
A total of 250,000 recruits, including the Gauri Army and the East India Army, are currently undergoing training and will arrive in the Balkans in about June.
George transferred troops from the four armies to form the First Balkan Army and headed for Crimea.
The troops mobilized by George are all from the Gaori Legion.
The commander of the First Balkan Army is Runev, commander of the 1st Amur Army.
Alexander applied to George and went to Crimea with Runev.
In the past year, Alexander has changed a lot. He is no longer impulsive when things happen, and he acts more cautiously. He also becomes taciturn and learns to hide his emotions.
George hoped that Alexander could learn to get along with different people, and agreed to let Alexander go to Crimea with Runev.
But at the same time, Runev was told not to let Alexander serve as military chief.
Alexander has never been to a military school, has not received systematic training, and most likely does not have George's golden finger, so he should be cautious and must not make mistakes during this sensitive period.
Kerensky's method worked for Alexeyev and Ruzsky, but it was almost useless for George.
George sent a telegram to St. Petersburg, not to pledge his allegiance to the Provisional Government or the Provisional Executive Committee, but to demand the immediate release of Nicholas.
Nicholas has abdicated and his property has been confiscated, why are he still being imprisoned?
Does Nicholas have to be executed to be satisfied?
This was the first telegram sent by George to St. Petersburg after Nicholas abdicated.
The telegram arrived in St. Petersburg, and the Provisional Government and the Provisional Executive Committee held separate meetings to discuss whether to release Nicholas.
We must not let go. If Nicholas goes to Constantinople to join forces with Grand Duke Yuriev, who will deal with the million-strong army under Grand Duke Yuriev?
It’s not okay to keep it closed.
Now that George has made a request, if St. Petersburg does not respond, no one knows what George will do next.
This goes back to the previous question.
"Grand Duke Yuriev and His Majesty grew up together and have an excellent relationship——"
Witt advocated the release of Nicholas.
"He is no longer the Tsar, he is now Nikolai Romanov."
Army and Navy Minister Guchkov interrupted Witte's speech.
Guchkov was the founder of the Octobrist Party and served as Chairman of the State Duma. After the outbreak of the world war, Guchkov served as Chairman of the Tenth Congress.
"Well, since he is an ordinary person now, what's the point of continuing to imprison him?"
Witt really doesn't understand, you, the Minister of Army and Navy, don't you know What does Wan Dajun mean?
Guchkov did not dare to release Nikolay because he was too understanding.
When Nicholas signed the edict of abdication, there were three people present, namely Ruzsky, Shurgen, and Guchkov.
If Nicholas is restored, Guchkov will definitely be liquidated.
“We did not imprison him, but let him reflect on himself.”
Guchkov’s reasons made Witte dumbfounded.
Do you believe this?
The key is how to make Grand Duke Yuriev believe it too.
"We should first obtain his forgiveness and then hand him over to Grand Prince Yuriev."
Foreign Minister Pavel Milyukov, like Ruzsky, is a staunch Russianist.
Milyukov served as a professor at the University of Sofia in the Kingdom of Bulgaria and was the founder of the Cadet Party.
Milyukov has a complex character. He opposes the Tsar, but he does not want to overthrow the monarchy, but hopes to reorganize the feudal system into a constitutional monarchy.
Milyukov opposed the war, but his youngest son died fighting for the empire.
As a representative of the bourgeoisie, Milyukov opposed Soviet Russia, but at the same time he stood for Russia's position when Russia was involved in foreign wars.
"Let him forgive us for overthrowing his rule?"
Even Kerensky could not stand this political naivety.
The ministers were at loggerheads, with all their eyes focused on the Prime Minister of the Provisional Government, Prince Georgi Yevgenyevich Lvov.
Lvov is a descendant of the Rurik dynasty and one of the largest landowners in the Russian Empire. He and Milyukov are both founders of the Cadet Party.
During the Russo-Japanese War, Lvov presided over the work of the Tenth Congress.
After the outbreak of the world war, Lvov served as chairman of the General Committee of the Federation of Local Self-Government Agencies and was responsible for civil affairs in the rear.
“The main question now is, if Grand Duke Yuriev launches a war, do we have the ability to stop him?”
Lvov hopes to fundamentally solve the problem.
The ministers looked at Guchkov again.
Guchkov's face turned red instantly. Don't you expect me to stop him?
“This question should be asked to General Alexeyev——”
Guchkov knows how to pass the buck.
The ministers look at the commander of the city defense of St. Petersburg, Lavr Kornilov.
Alexeyev is not here, he is at the frontline base camp. Kornilov was the only professional soldier to attend the meeting.
"Grand Duke Yuriev - yes, Grand Duke Yuriev, he is very dangerous and very powerful. There is a problem that you may not have noticed. Not only does he have an army of millions, but he also has Commanding almost all of the empire’s air force and navy——”
Kornilov told the truth, if he can’t beat him, he can’t beat him.
Ministers can talk freely without taking any responsibility.
Kornilov dared to talk nonsense, and the only outcome would be defeat and death.
Kornilov's words made the ministers frown.
George is the Minister of the Navy, and Kirill is in name only. The Marine Corps he brought only has more than 600 people, and they are not a front-line combat force. They are all patchwork logistics personnel.
George did not need to send troops from Constantinople. He only needed to send out the Baltic Fleet stationed at the Kronstadt Naval Base, which was enough to defeat Kornilov.
The Air Force of the Russian Empire was directly established by George. From top to bottom, they were all George's people. The Air Force Airport on the outskirts of St. Petersburg was the only area not controlled by the Provisional Government and the Provisional Executive Committee.
“So we have no other option but to hand over Nikolai Romanov to Grand Duke Yuriev.”
Lvov concluded.
The ministers looked frustrated and said nothing.
This is what happens when a scholar encounters a soldier and cannot explain his reasoning clearly.
If it is a debate, any one of the ministers can fight with Grand Duke Yuriev for 300 rounds.
After Nicholas stepped down, the provisional government sent people to Constantinople many times to win over George, but except for Witte, no one else even saw George's face.
What Lvov didn't expect was that the interim executive committee did not agree to hand Nikolai over to George.
Lvov took the initiative to take Kerensky to the Chairman of the Provisional Executive Committee, Lev Davidovich Bronstein.
Bronstein was born in 1879, a Hebrew. In his youth, he was exiled to Siberia for opposing the Tsarist autocratic system. After Nicholas abdicated, he returned to Russia from the United States.
Bronstein was elected chairman of the Provisional Executive Committee as soon as he returned to Russia. This was simply incredible.
Bronstein has lived abroad for a long time and has no influence at all in Russia. He was arrested when he passed through Canada after returning from the United States because the British considered him a dangerous person.
Under pressure from the Provisional Executive Committee, the Provisional Government rescued Bronstein.
After Bronstein returned to Russia, he began to create obstacles for the provisional government. Regardless of whether the provisional government's decision was beneficial to Russia, the Provisional Executive Committee firmly opposed it.
Lvov gave George's telegram to Bronstein and let Bronstein read it himself.
The content of George's telegram was very tough, claiming that if the provisional government did not hand over Nicholas, George would find a way to solve it himself.
"Solve it? How does he want to solve it? Come to Petrograd in person? That's just right, we can try him and Nikolai Romanov together."
Bronstein was a madman, and he probably thought that George came to St. Petersburg alone.
"If Grand Duke Yuriev comes to St. Petersburg, he will bring his armored corps. How will we respond then?"
Lvov is patient, which is why he became the prime minister of the provisional government reason.
After Nicholas abdicated, Vasily asked George to send troops to attack St. Petersburg.
If George really did that, the happiest person would probably be William II.
The current situation is that the Russians have been completely disappointed with the Tsar and urgently need a revolution to bring some changes to Russia.
The Provisional Government is a rookie, and the slogans of the Provisional Executive Committee are indeed very inflammatory, otherwise the royalists would not be helpless to fight back.
George is more professional than Lvov in this matter of rebellion.
Due to the incurable weakness of the petty bourgeoisie, the Provisional Government is simply not suitable for Russia’s national conditions and is destined to be short-lived.
The Provisional Executive Committee is even more dangerous. They have the support of workers and soldiers, and there is also the assistance of foreign capital behind them. The reason why George is on guard is because he is worried that the officers and soldiers of the Balkan Army will be affected by the Provisional Executive Committee.
Who does George represent?
Royal and noble groups.
The interim government and the interim executive committee have not yet taken action against the royal family and aristocratic groups.
If George raises his troops now and conquers St. Petersburg with lightning speed, what will happen next?
Let Nicholas be the Tsar? Or Nicholas cedes to Alexey and George becomes regent?
In just a few years, Russia will still be a backwater.
What George wants is neither destruction nor establishment.
"If Grand Duke Yuriev rebels, he will turn from the 'royal military god' to a traitor and the initiator of the civil war. That will be the most beneficial situation for us."
Brown Stein sneered. The idiots in the Provisional Government didn't understand that Nicholas was the only bargaining chip in St. Petersburg.
With Nicholas and his family at hand, St. Petersburg can at least negotiate with George.
If Nicholas and his family are handed over to George, St. Petersburg will have no choice but to be slaughtered by George.
Lvov frowned, the situation was far more serious than he imagined.
Lvov frowned and thought hard, and did not notice the eye contact between Bronstein and Kerensky.
(End of this chapter)